Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party speaks during a celebration event in Seoul, South Korea, on May 9, 2017. [Photo/Xinhua] Newly elected Republic of Korea President Moon Jae-in faces tough choices on regional security, and political and economic reform. In a phone conversation with Moon one day after his victory, President Xi Jinping emphasized the need for both countries to respect each other's major concerns and interests, as well as maintain a healthy, stable bilateral relationship. On the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system in the ROK, which has hurt bilateral ties, Moon said his government will proactively communicate with China while striving to resolve the issue. In fact, the Moon administration has already called for a parliamentary hearing on the deployment of THAAD on ROK soil. Moon also sent a delegation to the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, which met with Xi on the sidelines of the forum. Expectations that the Moon administration will adhere to a more balanced diplomacy are high, even though the security dilemma the ROK faces leaves it little choice but to stick to the ROK-US military alliance, which was formed because the United States essentially took over the responsibility of the ROK's national security after the Korean War (1950-53). Owing to the lack of an independent and comprehensive defense strategy, Seoul may have to stay under Washington's security umbrella, even if it means becoming a part of the US' rebalancing to Asia strategy. It also explains why on many occasions Seoul has spoken of Beijing's intervention and Pyongyang's self-restraint in the hope that that would help minimize, if not end, the nuclear threat from the DPRK. On the domestic front, the need to promote reforms and restore public trust in political institutions after the impeachment and ouster of former president Park Geun-hye, too, should be taken seriously by Moon. Complaints have often been heard in the ROK about the long absence of efficient communication between the leadership and citizens. On his campaign trail, Moon promised a less-centralized governing style. His decision to move out of the official presidential residence, or the Blue House, in downtown Seoul where every modern-day ROK president has lived and worked, should be seen as a good sign by those waiting for a change. To regain public trust he needs to heed the lessons from the scandals the Park administration was involved in, from her seven-hour silence after the sinking of the passenger ferry Sewol in 2014 to the 2015 agreement between the ROK and Japan on settling their differences over Korean comfort women (women and girls forced in sexual slavery by the Japanese army before and during World War II). Reviving an economy mired in rising household debt, high youth unemployment and waning conglomerate-led growth is another daunting task for Moon. Last year saw the dramatic collapse of the ROK's largest shipping company, Hanjin Shipping Co, and Samsung Electronics Co's decision to stop the production, sales and replacement of its exploding fire-prone Galaxy Note 7 smartphones. This year, there is a risk that employees of Hyundai Motor Co, the country's largest automaker, could go on a strike. And these developments have prompted the International Monetary Fund to forecast the ROK's growth rate at just 2.7 percent, barely half of the average rate for the Asia-Pacific region. The veteran politician and former lawyer may have to resort to political reshuffling to make sure his Democratic Party has an overwhelming majority in the national assembly. And the fact that he vowed to reorganize the presidential office after appointing senior secretaries to his office suggests he is moving in that direction. On the DPRK nuclear issue and the installation of THAAD, the Moon administration would be wise to seek talks with all parties concerned to properly resolve the issues. In this regard, Moon should be lauded for his consideration to send special envoys to Beijing. All these indicate changes can be expected, especially because Moon seems inclined to play a more active diplomatic role in engaging with Pyongyang. The author is a senior researcher at the Pangoal Institution. hen party wristbands
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MACAO - The government of China's Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR) has published the final report assessing the overall impact of last year's Typhoon Hato and offering suggestions for optimizing its mechanism for managing emergencies, the SAR's government Information Bureau said here on Thursday.Typhoon Hato struck Macao on Aug 23 last year, killing 10 people and injuring over 240 others, as well as resulting in heavy economic losses.The report offers practical advice on measures appropriate to Macao in relation to prevention or mitigation of disasters, post-disaster relief measures, and the SAR's response mechanism for any public emergency.The Commission for Reviewing and Monitoring the Improvements of the Response Mechanism to Major Disasters commissioned respectively the Institute for Public Safety Research at Tsinghua University, the North China University of Technology, and the Ministry of Civil Affairs' National Disaster Reduction Center of China to draw up the report.The four research themes in the final report offer suggestions for complementary effort in areas of meteorology, electricity supply, flood control measures at the inner harbor, and work relating to the fire services.The Information Bureau said the SAR government is stepping up effort to advance Macao's overall capabilities for disaster prevention and mitigation, including amendment to the Civil Protection Law, the formulation of a 10-year plan for disaster prevention and mitigation (2019-2028), and the establishment of a new emergency command system.The government will also strive to initiate an insurance system covering losses from major disasters, an overall emergency response plan, the construction of major fundamental infrastructure, and promotion of safety awareness of the public.
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